PDF Politics In Chile: Democracy, Authoritarianism, And The Search For Development, Second Edition

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Read preview. Synopsis Investigating the dramatic political changes in Chile over the past 30 years, this book focuses on identifying the dynamics of political conflict underlying this turbulent period and examines the attempt to enact revolutionary socialism in the country.

Lois Hecht Oppenheim. Read preview Overview. Alexander Greenwood Press, In order to set up a list of libraries that you have access to, you must first login or sign up.

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Please enable cookies in your browser to get the full Trove experience. Skip to content Skip to search. Oppenheim, Lois Hecht. Physical Description xv, p. Published Boulder, Colo. Language English View all editions Prev Next edition 5 of 5. Author Oppenheim, Lois Hecht.

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Edition 2nd ed. Subjects Chile -- Politics and government -- Chile -- Politics and government -- Chile -- Economic conditions -- Chile -- Economic conditions -- Chile -- Economic conditions -- Summary In this second edition, Lois Oppenheim has significantly updated the section on the return to civilian rule after Looking at both the presidencies of Aylwin and Frei, she focuses on their efforts to reconstruct democratic practices and institutions, including resolving sensitive issues such as human rights violations and civil-military relations. In a new concluding chapter, Oppenheim explores the implications of the country's new economic standing as an economic success story - a "Latin American jaguar" - and its significance as a model for the region as a whole.

The second phase of Import Substituting Industrialization, commonly known as ISI2, involved the move in Latin America to "heavy" industrialization, from around This period of economic history has been reviled on both the Left and the Right as being one of either heightened dependency or one demonstrating the clear failure of state intervention in the economy. In this research note, a basic statistical analysis is used to back up other descriptive claims that the ISI2 period was rather one of mixed success, with macroeconomic volatility accompanying great progress in GDP and manufacturing growth.

In a sense, the ISI2 period succeeded in industrializing the large economies of the period, and contrasts favorably with the record of the succeeding paradigm of neoliberalism. This research note seeks to raise questions about the way we look at the historical period of ISI2, and suggests that a more open-minded perspective could lead to a more effective and sustainable political economy paradigm for the region in the future.

General reviews of Latin American economic history document well the stages of industrialization. However, a variety of factors detailed in Latin American histories, including the influx of European immigrants, incipient industrialization, and changes within the military, were reflected in changes in politics. The rise of the populist dictators like Cardenas in Mexico, Peron in Argentina, and Vargas in Brazil, marked a period of nationalism that was partly enabled by the US's desire to maintain allies, even unpleasant ones, during World War II and the Cold War.

That conception was based, quite naturally, on the US and reconstructing Europe as models, thus industrialization was considered an integral process of development. The military regimes therefore led the charge into the second stage of ISI import substituting industrialization , namely that of high value-added manufactures, often initiated by the development of state-owned enterprises in heavy and chemical industries. The ISI2 period of approximately was under siege from both the left and the right.

Dependency theorists such as Gunder Frank and Teodoro dos Santos suggested that ISI2 was simply a new form of dependency and imperialism. Under ISI2, according to these arguments, the dependency was merely transformed into an exchange of raw materials for semi-finished goods. Dependency theorists suggest that industrialized Latin America is now in the semi-periphery, used as a platform for multinational corporations who wish to exploit its cheap labor.

ISI2 also exacerbated financial dependency according to them, as illustrated by the debt crisis of the s.

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In short, ISI2 did nothing to improve international and national class polarization based on the mode of production specialization of each geographic area in the international production process ; in fact, industrialization exacerbated differences both internationally between Latin America and the North, and within Latin American countries. ISI2 has also received a black eye from mainstream, neoliberal economists. By the late s, the region had, by far, the most unequal distribution of income in the world. To these problems, Edwards adds a low return on investment.

According to him, the debt crisis beginning in the s revealed the fragility of the ISI2 system.

Military dictatorship of Chile (1973–1990)

Edwards then goes on to explore the success of the neoliberal reforms. Could ISI have been fixed? As far back as early s, CEPAL was urging important modifications such as exporting manufactures, reducing urban bias, and increasing integration with other Latin American countries. Productivity improvements could include investment in physical and human capital; moving strategically from natural-resource based 'nonrenewable income' sources to renewable ones in agriculture and manufacturing; emphasizing continual improvements in technological capacity; embracing the idea of competing with the international economy; developing a competent public sector that enhances international competitiveness and works cooperatively in pacts between state, business, and labour.

Most importantly, he suggested that equity and productivity are not only compatible but mutually necessary. Unfortunately, these competing voices were drowned out by the sea of literature espousing neoliberalism. It is equally interesting, if not unexpected, historical development that neoliberalism has also sparked polarizing debates about its performance. Beyond the expected dependency critics on the one hand, 12 and the cheerleaders among mainstream economists and international institutions on the other, 13 there are also an emerging set of new empirically-based critiques of performance under neoliberalism.

Lance Taylor summarizes some of these nicely as: This fragility is exacerbated by violent movements of external capital in and out of national economies via liberalized capital accounts. Indeed, competition may have weakened in manufacturing sectors in which concentration of ownership has gone up in the wake of privatization.

Military dictatorship of Chile (–) - Wikipedia

We think it is high time to synthesize a more comprehensive, empirically-based view of the performance of ISI2, comparing it with neoliberalism. This exercise will give us a more accurate view about Latin America's policy choices over the last 5 decades. As we shall see in the next section, by any number of measures Latin America did industrialize.

The key question may be more along the lines of the quality and type of industrialization that took place, a question to which we shall return later. The caricature that critics of IP make of its "clear failure" in Latin America is presenting the image of the overblown and inefficient state-owned enterprise that is rife with corruption, political patronage, and cronyism, effectively punishing consumers for the political and economic gain of a small minority.

Chile's problematic success - FT World

It's unfortunate that this caricature seems to pervade much of the economic analysis of Latin America's recent history, particularly by the international institutions that most affect external financing for the region. The 'Washington consensus' view of import substitution industrialization as a massive detour, a 'policy mistake' which could somehow have been avoided, is grossly ahistorical and inappropriate Its implicit view of the collapse of state-led industrialization as a manifestation of its own inadequacies is as inadequate as the Marxist prescription that capitalism would collapse because of its own internal contradictions Pure economic explanations are an inadequate route to understand both the excesses of state-led industrialization and also its demise.